Essay on national health service

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During the drive from the airport the driver shared with the CHRO that he’s an Uber driver when he’s not working as an independent contractor in technology for multiple companies. The driver explained that he’d learned that there was a lot of project work available – he just uses his phone to log into the available virtual talent marketplaces to bid on jobs that interest him and that meet his pay, location, and schedule needs. He’d even done some work for the CHRO’s company, and recently won a competition created by a software company to get the public to help it solve a tricky coding problem. While he didn’t have health or other benefits, he proudly told the CHRO that he was making more money now than he had before being laid off in 2008 during the recession.

Or House Republicans could decide that there is no reason to expect Senate rules to allow them to take on Obamacare’s insurance regulations and instead pursue something more like a set of stabilizing transitional reforms through reconciliation. These could be things like what the House bill envisions as a transition to a new system, which breaks the bounds of the exchanges and loosens rules some—again, in conjunction with vital regulatory reforms from HHS. It could also involve the replacement of Obamacare’s subsidies with the kind of credit the House bill envisions (albeit more generous at the bottom and funded by a cap on the employer exclusion). But it would not pretend to be a repeal of Obamacare, but rather an effort to loosen its strictures to the extent possible, with more to come if and when it’s achievable. Avik Roy has proposed changes to the bill that would essentially work this way. Given that such a bill would also include the House’s aggressive Medicaid reform, which surely can get past the parliamentarian, a bill that only goes this far would still be the most significant Republican policy achievement in a generation. 

Essay on national health service

essay on national health service

Or House Republicans could decide that there is no reason to expect Senate rules to allow them to take on Obamacare’s insurance regulations and instead pursue something more like a set of stabilizing transitional reforms through reconciliation. These could be things like what the House bill envisions as a transition to a new system, which breaks the bounds of the exchanges and loosens rules some—again, in conjunction with vital regulatory reforms from HHS. It could also involve the replacement of Obamacare’s subsidies with the kind of credit the House bill envisions (albeit more generous at the bottom and funded by a cap on the employer exclusion). But it would not pretend to be a repeal of Obamacare, but rather an effort to loosen its strictures to the extent possible, with more to come if and when it’s achievable. Avik Roy has proposed changes to the bill that would essentially work this way. Given that such a bill would also include the House’s aggressive Medicaid reform, which surely can get past the parliamentarian, a bill that only goes this far would still be the most significant Republican policy achievement in a generation. 

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